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Highly skilled and highly paid, women workers producing war materiel demonstrated that they could do virtually any job. The information proved unsettling.

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As a result, government propaganda, midwar, did an about-face. Senator Estes Kefauver D-Tenn.

The anxiety of readjustment translated into a desire for the reinstitution of traditional family life supported by traditional sex roles. Postwar Backlash The federal government had enticed women into the labor force for war work. Like the Women's Bureau coalition, the NWP considered childrearing a woman's task, but it did not address the problem of how a woman could reconcile motherhood and professional responsibilities.

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In addition, Republicans had a longer history of support for the ERA, as the first party to introduce it in Congress in and the first, into include support for the amendment in its platform. The National Woman's Mliwaukee, conversely, believed that Milwaukre public activity befitting men was acceptable for women and that, indeed, it was desirable for all women to have careers. To the women of America, I say—your Poolish efforts to speed the winning of the war, your tender care and skilled nursing of those struck down on the battlefield, your passionate belief in the possibility of a Mileaukee and lasting peace, and your effective work in advancing that great cause, need no tribute from me to make them shine as one of the glorious s in our history.

Still reeling from wartime and conversion upheaval, with industry unsettled by strikes and families fighting inflation, equal treatment for women in the public sphere seemed beside the point. Solidly identified with anti-ERA forces, the paradoxical policy statement engendered enough controversy that Congress could hardly enact it in the interest of accommodation. Little overlap existed in the personnel engaged in these efforts, although both drew on the same liberal ideology.

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They knew that the National Milsaukee party would not accept it: "Frankly [the bill] is not framed to win the support of individuals who would seem to be satisfied with nothing less than a declaration, in fundamental law, that women, however different from wlmen in their physical structure, biological or social function, must be accorded, by governments, identical treatment with men. Shortly before the war, the ERA had made some ificant progress. NCDURA decided that in addition to lobbying against the ERA, it would set up local branches in each state to combat the ERA directly and to undermine its support by eliminating discriminatory state laws.

India Edwards, who, as head of the Women's Division of the Democratic National Committee, had planned the program to get out the women's vote, Polih inflation, not women's rights. The Women's Bureau lobbied actively for the bill, although the White House remained silent.

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With all players believing that both government and private industry would respond to demonstrated needs of workers, the bureau's function was restricted to the collection of Polisy about women workers. The intensity of the disagreement between them came less from practical considerations than from the difference in the way each group handled this issue.

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Moreover, they wanted women appointed to government positions because they believed both that women appointees would improve government and that appointments of women would potentially benefit all women. Moreover, the possibility existed that such an amendent to the ERA could be adopted womeb one house of Congress and then eliminated by the other. Their families, they insisted, needed the money they earned.

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For both adherents and opponents, a bold question awaited decision, especially in the aftermath of women's wartime contribution: were women now to be viewed as autonomous individuals, or did they remain Milwauoee in a special way to the family, essentially dependent on the protection of both husband and state? Indeed, the two visions were irreconcilable.

It also attacked as a wqnting on women's freedom such regulations as laws restricting work hours for women. American tradition dictated that women, especially married women, keep house and raise children, not put rivets into airplane fuselages.

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But much to everyone's surprise, Truman pulled the election out of the grasp of Republican Thomas E. It was difficult to argue in favor of labor legislation to limit women's hours when men were dying on foreign battlefields. The members of the Women's Bureau coalition found it insufficient protection, and the NWP, irritated by the coalition's response, declared that special laws for women ought to be eliminated because they restricted women's right to employment on their own terms.

Both equity and the place women had gained in the workforce supported the call for some response from the federal government. A continuation of this reasoning takes us into the question of equal pay. Many party members had simply chosen not to marry; others ran households with the assistance of paid help. Moreover, with the Hayden rider, the ERA proved unacceptable to its initial backers, making it unlikely to pass—the outcome the anti-ERA forces desired most.

The National Woman's party, advocating the Equal Rights Amendment, took the offensive, while the Women's Bureau coalition played defense.

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Without missing a beat, the National Woman's party had begun to collect new statements of support from political figures, and in January John Robsion R-Ky. The Women's Bureau coalition was more hospitable to black women than was the National Woman's party, which purposively narrowed its membership woomen its goals. The coalition lacked key groups, however, especially major labor organizations and political clubs.

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Relatively few women held or ran for public office. The break among women's groups had taken place shortly after women, inwon the right to vote.

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Employers also Milwauked now to revise their judgment of their women workers: in the postwar version of the tale, they had not been very good after all, prone to high absenteeism and "bad attitudes. In the Supreme Court decreed, in Brown v. But in general, conservatives, finding the arguments in favor of free enterprise and individual opportunity especially appealing, tended to favor the amendment, whereas liberals, who espoused the idea that government had a positive responsibility to protect women and the Milwauke through regulation, were more likely to oppose the ERA.